February 20, 2023
Today we
were led around West Belfast and heard from a panel of former paramilitaries
and British police. In Shankill, Mark, a 24 year veteran of the British army,
led us through the loyalist, unionist side of the wall; he handed us off across
the gates to the nationalist, republican Falls Road side to Pader, who’d been
16 years imprisoned for killing an officer of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. At
Tar Anall in the Conway Mill, we sat around a panel made up of Noel, a gunman
for the Ulster Volunteer Force who also went to Long Kesh for murder; Lee, a
veteran of British infantry who’d served two tours in Northern Ireland at
checkpoints and watchtowers; and Michael, now of Sinn Fein and formerly of the
Irish Republican Army, who spent another 16 years at Long Kesh for murder.

Mark presented
an unapologetic, severe argument for British Northern Ireland: to reunify
Northern Ireland, the IRA was willing to destroy its economy, its buildings,
its morale, its grandmamas, kiddies and babies, and the murderers and
terrorists—responsible for specific, knowable deaths and horrors—are now in
Stormont, in charge; meanwhile, the Brits of Northern Ireland only ever wanted
to keep homes and people safe. In a few months, the 25
th anniversary
of the Good Friday Agreement will arrive, and, he asked, what has it brought
us?
He came
by his bitterness honestly—both his father and brother murdered, and his own
body the target of three killing attempts, resulting in a seven month coma,
prosthetics, and the loss of two toes. Mark succeeded in driving home the
question that Alice later asked Pader, our IRA tour guide: is the violence
endured by civilians seen as justified? Why can’t we reconcile? Mark says,
beating his head: the memories. Beating his chest: the heartache.

The most
powerful and undeniable thing Mark described was that wall and its effects: On
one side, 100% of the people are Protestant; on the other, 100% Catholic. Not a
single Catholic on the Protestant side, he claimed, and not a Protestant to be
found among the other. Everyone locked in by the wall, everyone locked out, the
gates slamming shut every night at nine. Each side has its own shops, its own
schools and nurseries, its own churches and even its own buses. Before 1969, Mark
said, we shared drinks, friendships, and handshakes. Now there’s the wall,
seven kilometers long and three meters thick, its first brick laid in 1971. And
has it fixed anything? No, we just keep building it higher. First in ’93, and
then, the Good Friday Agreement, did it mean the wall could come down? No, in
1998, they just raised it higher. The children are playing in their own
playgrounds and taking lessons in their own schools. The kiddies aren’t playing,
nor praying, nor eating, or learning together. The next generation is already
locked in.

The idea of
separateness is incredibly vivid. And when he toured us through the central
blocks of Shankill Road, its angry murals a little like the martyrs’ row on the
other side but also bellowing in its thick-font accusations (“PROBABLY THE UK’S
WORST EVER PRIME MINISTER AND HIS CABAL IN THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY,” “SINN
FEIN/IRA VERSUS ISIS,” “SINN FEIN/IRA’S SLAUGHTER,” “CHILDREN MURDERED BY SINN
FEIN,” “30 YEARS OF INDISCRIMINATE SLAUGHTER BY THE SO-CALLED NON-SECTARIAN
IRISH FREEDOM FIGHTERS”), I thought very much of those children raised here in
their segregated homes, shopping and walking all their young lives through the
vitriol of victimization.
Mark
walked us through the gates that would close at night and open at seven each
morning and took us to Pader. Mark wanted us to face the full impact of the
horrors he described in the tradition of a fire-and-brimstone Presbyterian, and
he had the desired effect, leaving us unable to make eye contact with another human
being. That’s how Pader found us, long faces, cast down.
Pader
provided not only a contrast in perspectives but demeanor, giving nods to us
and laughing, and calling out to all the passersby. Haven’t seen you in a bit,
Pader. Yeah, cuz’ I’ve been avoidin’ ya! Heya, Pader? How are ya? Magic,
Patrick. Magic. Just telling them all about how ya fucked the British all on
yer own.
But the
things Pader was describing were dead serious, too. The contrasts he provided to
Mark’s story were several. First, he and other nationalists were insistent that
their argument was not about religion but colonialist occupation. We saw this
in the murals up and down Falls road—images touching on Palestinian plight,
American civil rights and South African anti-apartheid heroes, Cuban revolutionaries,
and many other peoples rising up against post-colonial structures. Second, he
and other nationalists shared the argument that they were fighting back against
the most sophisticated government and military in the world, and as such, violent
acts were acts of war and political in nature.

We would
hear from Duncan Morrow of Ulster University the next day, who would describe it
this way: Each side says, We can’t trust the other. Here’s the proof: Awful
things They did to us. And here are heroic things we did to defend ourselves: no
recognition that their awful acts and our heroic acts are the same—you did it
because you believed what you were fighting was much worse.
We left
the separated tours for an integrated panel discussion with Michael, Noel, and
Lee.
Michael Culbert
was a distinguished, good looking man with deep laugh lines who now works with
Sinn Fein and engages others in dialogue and reconciliation. Also he’s a man
who, while working as a social worker during the day, directed violence and
destruction, and continues to hold sway now. And as truly appreciative and
respecting he was of Noel and Lee, Michael—or Mickey as the other men called
him—he seemed to suggest peace was a strategy rather than a driving principle. When
Alice asked the men if they had any regrets, Michael said in a line to which
students would return again and again, “I regret that I got caught.” At the
time, we laughed: he had told so many jokes, was so kindly teasing of Noel and Lee.
But he wasn’t laughing when he said it. He said, I’m sad for the families of
the British forces I killed, but I have no regret for taking part in the
anticolonial struggle. Then he went back to joking: I regret that Henry VIII
went and got that divorce, is what I regret.
Noel was
a diminutive, sweet looking man who was described by another this way. Lovely
man. Lovely. Brutal murderer. This
article about Noel is eye-opening and made me think again and again of
Sayre and Noel joyfully talking about their passion as footballers. Noel’s path
from bitter violence to mentor of peace was long and hard won, and now he
questions the very meaning of Britishness.
Lee was a
working class British soldier who served terms in Northern Ireland and programmed
to follow orders and to see the entire Catholic civilian population as IRA and
as the guilty enemy. During the cease fire of 1994, he started reading again
and reacted strongly to British Home Secretary Reginald Maudling’s phrase “acceptable
level of violence” in Northern Ireland. A road through heroin, homelessness,
and history (that is, a PhD in American history) brought him to work like these
panel discussions, to unravel people’s narratives of conflict.
The three
men said some common things: Peace is the way forward, and no one wants to go
back to the violence. The real issue is not religion, but economic opportunity.
If they’d replaced the factory at Mackey’s with a university, as once was maybe going
to happen, rather than a wall, if someone had invested and
provided both educational and economic opportunities rather than spending all
that money on the Titanic Museum, what might have happened for these two communities?